THE THIRD REPUBLICa project for the refounding of Romania
Search

The Third Republic — Volume I

Causes. The doctrine of refounding.

The Third Republic — Volume I

The Third Republic — Volume I

PDF (A4) and EPUB — €10, once

You pay once. You then receive an access code that never expires: with it you download the A4 PDF and the EPUB as many times as you wish.

Pay €10 and download

Author:

Contents

  1. PREFACE
  2. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
  3. PROLOGUE. Sovereigntism: the appearance of a word, the birth of a concept, the making of a movement
  4. PART ONE — THE RADIOGRAPH. Romania at the end of a world
  5. Chapter 1. Thirty-six years of “reforms”: the anatomy of a debasement
    • 1.1. A word that has died: “reform”
    • 1.2. Why the word “reform” can no longer be saved
    • 1.3. A diagnosis two and a half millennia old
    • 1.4. What refounding is
    • 1.5. The precedents: refounding as an institution of constitutional history
    • 1.6. The predictable objection and its answer
  6. Chapter 2. The captured state: the separation of powers as fiction
    • 2.1. The dead letter of the present Constitution and the life led under its rule
    • 2.2. The standard set by Plato’s Laws: the servants of the law
    • 2.3. Men are not bad; the architecture of institutions is
    • 2.4. The confirmation of contemporary political science
    • 2.5. How abnormal Romania is: the European measure
  7. Chapter 3. The three faces of power: an anthropological reading of the Romanian state
    • 3.1. Beyond Montesquieu: the elementary sources of domination
    • 3.2. What is power? What is the state? — the working definitions
    • 3.3. The democratisation of knowledge — the fourth brake upon power
    • 3.4. What follows from this triptych of power
    • 3.5. The testimony of the chronicle: the virtual judge and the birth of the new god
    • 3.6. From the “magical society” to the refounding
  8. Chapter 4. The stress test: the pandemic as revealer
    • 4.1. What one sees when the earthquake comes: the pandemic as a test of the state
    • 4.2. The physician of free men and the physician of slaves: a page from Plato
    • 4.3. The lesson that was not learned
    • 4.4. From revealer to developed photograph: what the pandemic showed us
  9. Chapter 5. The economy of dispossession: resources, assets, royalties, gold
    • 5.1. The inventory of a squandered inheritance
    • 5.2. The anatomy of the mechanism
    • 5.3. The voice of the chronicle: what dispossession looked like live
    • 5.4. Gold and the lesson of history
    • 5.5. From the inventory of damage to the constitutional principle
  10. Chapter 6. The school, the hospital, the family, the altar: the undermined foundations
    • 6.1. The four springs
    • 6.2. Two classic testimonies about the school
    • 6.3. On the closing, at one and the same time, of the school and the altar
    • 6.4. Closing the radiograph: the state turned against its own springs
  11. Chapter 7. Chronicle of a battle: Romanian justice seen from within
    • 7.1. A declaration of interest: from where I view the judiciary
    • 7.2. The anatomy of tutelage: justice under the intelligence services
    • 7.3. The anatomy of corporatism: the justice that refuses to answer
    • 7.4. Who investigates the investigators: the solution in Book XII of the Laws
    • 7.5. The witness’s evidence: why I nevertheless believe in judges
  12. Chapter 8. The end of a world as diagnosis and as opportunity: from the Second to the Third Republic
    • 8.1. What is actually ending in today’s world
    • 8.2. Pages from the chronicle: the ending seen live
    • 8.3. Sovereigntism and extremism: a necessary clarification
    • 8.4. The historical window: why it is possible now
    • 8.5. The death of the Second Republic: 6 December 2024
    • 8.6. Why the 2024 elections were actually annulled
    • 8.7. The anatomy of a juridical death: the arguments from file 8069/2/2024*
    • 8.8. Counting the republics: why the Third comes next
  13. Chapter 9. Eminescu, the spiritual father of Romanian sovereigntism
    • 9.1. On a new word and an old father
    • 9.2. On the laws that can proceed only from the people
    • 9.3. On the national economy as the foundation of liberty
    • 9.4. On the “Carpathians” Society — or what a sovereigntist avant la lettre looked like under the surveillance of the satraps of the “colony” Romania
    • 9.5. On the “coincidence” of 28 June 1883
    • 9.6. On what he bequeaths us
  14. Chapter 10. Economic sovereignty in the tradition of Romanian thought — from Dimitrie Cantemir to Mihail Manoilescu
    • 10.1. Cantemir and Bălcescu: the country’s wealth, liberty and national unity
    • 10.2. Petre S. Aurelian: industrialisation as the guarantee of independence
    • 10.3. Eminescu: the national principle and economic sovereignty
    • 10.4. Virgil Madgearu: interdependence without subordination
    • 10.5. Mihail Manoilescu: the productive forces and national autonomy
    • 10.6. Conclusion: sovereignty as the power of economic decision
  15. PART TWO — THE CONSTITUTIONAL REFOUNDING. “The Sovereignty Constitution”
  16. Chapter 11. Why a full revision and not patches: the philosophy of the project and the limits of revision
    • 11.1. The birth of a revision project
    • 11.2. The explanatory memorandum: the official diagnosis
    • 11.3. “Slaves of the laws, that we may be free”: why laws and not providential men
    • 11.4. The Article 152 test: refounding within the limits of revision
    • 11.5. The method of analysis: text, reasons, comparison, effects
  17. Chapter 12. The battle of the opinions: the Legislative Council, between its calling and the censorship of the constituent power
    • 12.1. Two opinions, two stories: 2021 and 2024
    • 12.2. What the Legislative Council is and is not
    • 12.3. Point-by-point rebuttal: the five families of criticism
    • 12.4. The meaning of this battle of opinions
  18. Chapter 13. The inviolable citizen: fundamental rights strengthened
    • 13.1. Balance, loyal cooperation and binding force (Art. 1)
    • 13.2. Human dignity in the face of the new powers (Art. 22)
    • 13.3. Individual liberty and the fair trial (Arts. 21, 23, 24, 27, 28)
    • 13.4. The effects of the block of rights: what liberty costs and what it is worth
  19. Chapter 14. The social foundations: education, health, the family, property
    • 14.1. The constitutional percentages: 6% for education, 9% for health (Arts. 32, 34)
    • 14.2. Medical consent at constitutional rank (Art. 34 (4))
    • 14.3. The family and the child (Arts. 48, 49)
    • 14.4. The citizen’s wealth and cash (Art. 44 (10))
    • 14.5. The right to elect and to be elected; administrative accountability (Arts. 37, 52)
  20. Chapter 15. Representation and accountability: Parliament
    • 15.1. The 1% threshold: representation made whole again (Art. 62)
    • 15.2. The recall of the parliamentarian: the mandate under control (Art. 70 (3))
    • 15.3. Immunity reduced to votes and opinions (Art. 72 (3))
    • 15.4. The citizens’ initiative within citizens’ reach (Arts. 74, 75)
    • 15.5. The sanction of parliamentary silence: the end of legislating by “sleep” (Art. 75 (2))
    • 15.6. Parliamentary appointments and transparency (Art. 65)
  21. Chapter 16. The reins of the executive: the President, the Government and the end of the ordinance-king
    • 16.1. The President re-framed (Arts. 82, 83, 94, 97, 103)
    • 16.2. Linz confirmed: the perils of presidentialism
    • 16.3. The end of the ordinance-king (Arts. 108, 115)
    • 16.4. The state of fixed-term offices (Art. 116 (3))
  22. Chapter 17. The army, the services and the Supreme Council of National Defence: the constitutional root of demilitarisation (Arts. 118–119)
    • 17.1. Why here, why at constitutional level
    • 17.2. Demilitarisation raised to constitutional rank (Art. 118 (4))
    • 17.3. Foreign troops, command and the ceiling: military sovereignty in three paragraphs (Art. 118 (5)–(7))
    • 17.4. The Supreme Council reconstituted: knowledge under mandate (Art. 119 (2))
    • 17.5. What will follow in Chapter 23: the map anticipated
  23. Chapter 18. Justice refounded: the magistrates, the Superior Council, the Constitutional Court
    • 18.1. “Constans et perpetua voluntas”: two diseases and a single treatment
    • 18.2. The guarantees: the untouchable judge (Arts. 124, 125, 126, 132)
    • 18.3. Prosecutors leave the magistracy: the state’s advocates (Arts. 132–134)
    • 18.4. Accountability: the end of impunity (Arts. 52, 133, 134)
    • 18.5. The Constitutional Court: juridical legitimacy, real force (Arts. 142, 143, 146, 147)
    • 18.6. The effects of the block of judicial norms
  24. Chapter 19. The “economic” Constitution: the nation’s resources, the national interest and the world outside
    • 19.1. The royalty with a European benchmark (Art. 136 (4))
    • 19.2. The sovereign interest in international relations (Title VI: Arts. 148–149)
    • 19.3. The Court of Auditors, currency and the rest of the economic arsenal
    • 19.4. The economic effects of the Sovereignty Constitution
  25. Chapter 20. The city below: local administration refounded
    • 20.1. Baronry as a form of government
    • 20.2. The three keys of the new Article 120
    • 20.3. The mayor and Montaigne: the man is not the office
    • 20.4. The effects: politics relearned from below, from villages and towns
  26. PART THREE — THE LAWS OF THE REFOUNDING
  27. Chapter 21. The Sovereignty Act — the mother law
    • 21.1. The history of an initiative
    • 21.2. The architecture of the law: four chapters, one principle
    • 21.3. The lesson the mother law left us
  28. Chapter 22. The laws of the refounding: the blocks of the mother law, one by one
    • 22.1. The method of this chapter
    • 22.2. The rule-of-law block: never again 2020 (Arts. 1–3)
    • 22.3. The health block: consent and non-discrimination (Arts. 4–5)
    • 22.4. The protection of the minor (Art. 6)
    • 22.5. The amendments to the Civil Code: the inviolability of the mind and property restored (Arts. 7–8)
    • 22.6. The amendments to the Criminal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure: the sanction without which everything remains literature (Arts. 9–10)
    • 22.7. A free Official Gazette and jurisdiction over the platforms (Arts. 11–12)
    • 22.8. The electoral block (Art. 13)
    • 22.9. The green block (Arts. 14–16)
    • 22.10. The economic locks (Arts. 17–22)
    • 22.11. The national-safety block: the services (Arts. 23–29)
  29. Chapter 23. The Act on the demilitarisation of the services — the state turned back towards the citizen
    • 23.1. The Romanian anomaly: militarised services in a civilian Europe
    • 23.2. On the origins of the System: from the Prince’s agency to today’s caste
    • 23.3. “Securistan”, reckoned year by year: the arithmetic of a caste
    • 23.4. The five operations the law performs
    • 23.5. The comparative check: Europe’s civilian services
    • 23.6. “Quis custodiet ipsos custodes?” Guardians without gold: the ancient prohibition at the foundation of the new law
    • 23.7. The anthropological reading: why demilitarisation is the key to the whole triptych
    • 23.8. The security objection and its answer
  30. Chapter 24. The Green Romania Act — the forest as the wealth of generations
    • 24.1. The forest as a constitutional problem
    • 24.2. The three prohibitions and their sanctions
    • 24.3. The comparative check — and the tension with Union law, treated honestly
    • 24.4. The effects of the law for the forest and for people
  31. Chapter 25. The Criminal Code and the electoral laws — sanction, transparency, representation
    • 25.1. Criminal law as the ultima ratio of the refounding
    • 25.2. The new offences: the annotated catalogue
    • 25.3. The electoral laws: counting in the open
    • 25.4. The meaning of the whole criminal-electoral package
  32. Chapter 26. The Solidarity Act — the taxation of large businesses and great fortunes
    • 26.1. The state of affairs that makes this law necessary
    • 26.2. The mechanism: the turnover tax on large taxpayers
    • 26.3. The tax on great fortunes
    • 26.4. Two and a half centuries of debate: the great economists on taxing wealth
    • 26.5. Offshore: the Black Sea gas back into the contract
    • 26.6. The effects of the law
  33. Chapter 27. The George Act and the malpractice initiative — justice for the patient
    • 27.1. A name, not a number
    • 27.2. What the law changes for the patient
    • 27.3. The objection of defensive medicine and the answer
  34. Chapter 28. The Act on the referendum and the citizens’ initiative — the keystone
    • 28.1. Direct democracy as a dead institution
    • 28.2. The proposed mechanism: the closed circuit of the popular will
    • 28.3. The comparative check: the systems that have been doing this for a century
    • 28.4. The democratisation of knowledge: the anthropological reading
    • 28.5. “Government of the people, by the people, for the people”: why this is the keystone
  35. PART FOUR — THE EFFECTS. Romania refounded
  36. Chapter 29. The institutional effects: the state rebalanced
    • 29.1. The method: how a refounding is measured
    • 29.2. The effect upon legislating: from inflation to rigour
    • 29.3. The effect upon the balance of powers: the end of the permanent match
    • 29.4. The effect upon justice: trust through double discipline
    • 29.5. The effect upon the “fourth power”: light as an institution
    • 29.6. The effect upon the balance of the three elementary powers
    • 29.7. The democratic effect: the citizen back inside the building
  37. Chapter 30. The economic and social effects: figures, scenarios, people
    • 30.1. The budget of the refounding: the revenues
    • 30.2. The budget of the refounding: the costs and risks — declared, not concealed
    • 30.3. The social effects: what changes in people’s lives
    • 30.4. The counterfactual scenario: the cost of not refounding
  38. Chapter 31. The objections and the answers
    • 31.1. “It is anti-European and will take Romania out of the EU”
    • 31.2. “It is constitutional populism — too much referendum, too little mediation”
    • 31.3. “The penalties are draconian; criminal law is not made with an axe”
    • 31.4. “Who guarantees that the new institutions will not be captured in their turn?”
    • 31.5. “It is too much at once; reform is made gradually”
    • 31.6. “Who are you to refound the state?”
  39. Chapter 32. Romania refounded in a Europe searching for itself
    • 32.1. Europe’s family quarrel
    • 32.2. What Romania can offer this European debate
    • 32.3. The scenarios of the relationship between a refounded Romania and the Union
  40. Chapter 33. The road of the refounding: signatures, referendum, constitutional calendar
    • 33.1. The juridical map of the road
    • 33.2. Machiavelli’s warning — and why we go forward all the same
    • 33.3. The realistic calendar
    • 33.4. What the reader of this book can do, concretely
    • 33.5. “A republic — if you can keep it”: the cornerstone
  41. EPILOGUE. For those who can still hope
  42. NOTE ON THE EDITION AND THE CRITICAL APPARATUS
  43. NOTE ON THE SOURCES
  44. ANNEX I — Commentary on the fifty points of revision
  45. ANNEX II — The laws of the refounding: an article-by-article guide
    • II.1. The Sovereignty Act (v. 20) — the essential provisions
    • II.2. The Solidarity Act — the fiscal provisions
    • II.3. The Act on the referendum and the citizens’ initiative — the provisions of direct democracy
    • II.4. The Demilitarisation Act — the provisions, across the five statutes
    • II.5. The George Act / the malpractice initiative — the provisions
    • II.6. The Green Romania Act — the provisions
    • II.7. Amendment of the Criminal Code — the table of offences
    • II.8. Amendment of Act 208/2015 — the electoral table
  46. ANNEX III — A chronology of the refounding
  47. ANNEX IV — A short glossary of the refounding
  48. ANNEX V — A synthetic comparative study: the institutions of the refounding in the mirror of Europe
    • Switzerland
    • Germany
    • France
    • Italy
    • The United Kingdom
    • The Nordic states
    • Poland and Hungary
    • Spain, Portugal, Ireland, other benchmarks
    • The annex’s conclusion
  49. ANNEX VI — Twelve questions from the signature tables
  50. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    • I. Classical sources
    • II. Modern and contemporary authors
    • II bis. Romanian history
    • II ter. Literature (the dystopian and satirical parallels)
    • III. Romanian legal doctrine
    • IV. Specialist studies and articles
    • V. Electronic editions used for the double verification of quotations
  51. ANNEX TO THE BIBLIOGRAPHY — “The President and the Press”
    • John F. Kennedy’s address before the American Newspaper Publishers Association
  52. What the reader will find at aTreiaRepublica.ro

The beginning of the book — PREFACE

Sovereignty — a nation’s right to determine its own destiny

There are books that describe a political reality, and there are books that attempt to give it an architecture. Dan Chitic’s work belongs to the second category. It does not confine itself to observing that a sovereigntist current exists in Romania, nor to cataloguing the grievances that current expresses. The author’s ambition is larger: to give the concept of sovereigntism a doctrinal order, to identify its juridical foundations and, above all, to investigate the instruments and mechanisms by which the principle of sovereignty may descend from the register of political declaration into that of institutional reality.

That the author is a lawyer is, from this perspective, no accident. Politics may proclaim sovereignty; law must give it form. The constitution must enshrine it, the institutions must exercise it, and juridical mechanisms must prevent its being hollowed out. Between the solemn assertion that power belongs to the people and that people’s effective capacity to decide upon its own laws, resources, economy and priorities, a considerable distance may open. It is precisely in this space that one of the important contributions of the present book is situated.

But in order to grasp the significance of such an undertaking it is worth looking beyond Romania’s immediate present. Sovereigntism, though the term belongs to the contemporary political vocabulary, expresses a far older problem. Modern history can be read, to a considerable extent, as the history of communities struggling for the right not to be governed from outside themselves.

From Bolívar to Garibaldi: the nation as the subject of its own history. In Latin America this idea inevitably bears the name of Simón Bolívar. His struggle against Spanish domination was not merely a matter of replacing one administration with another. Independence was to transform colonial communities into political subjects capable of determining their own future. Bolívar understood very early, however, the fragility of the independence of new states, divided and exposed to the influence of the great powers. Hence his broader project of associating the new republics, and the experiment of Gran Colombia.

This apparent contradiction contains one of the important lessons of modern sovereignty: sovereignty does not exclude association; it excludes subordination. Bolívar did not conceive cooperation among liberated peoples as a renunciation of their newly won freedom, but as a means of defending it. An association among free nations may be the expression of their sovereignty; the domination of one power over the others is its negation.

On the other shore of the Atlantic, Giuseppe Garibaldi was to give the same aspiration a European form. Italy, fragmented into kingdoms, principalities and territories under foreign rule or influence, had to become a political community. For Garibaldi, Italian unity was not a purely geographical end. It was the condition of the Italians’ becoming the subject of their own history.

Garibaldi, too, prevents us from reducing sovereigntism to the image of a nation closed in upon itself. A republican, a revolutionary and the bearer of solidarities that extended well beyond Italy, he had fought in South America before becoming one of the symbols of the Risorgimento. The nation was not to be a prison, but the concrete framework within which popular liberty could become an institution.

Petőfi: the lesson of our neighbourhood. If Bolívar and Garibaldi belong to a universal history of emancipation, Sándor Petőfi is far closer to us. He belongs to the history of our own neighbourhood, and the fate of our neighbours ought to interest us no less than our own history — particularly when their experience raises the same questions that Romanians have faced: who holds sovereignty, in whose name is liberty exercised, and where does a nation’s right to emancipate itself end when the same historical space is inhabited by several nations?

Petőfi was not only the Romantic poet of Hungarian liberty. He became one of the voices of the Revolution of 1848 and a participant in the moment when the demand for freedom passed from literature into politics. “Nemzeti dal” — the “National Song” — has remained inseparable from 15 March 1848. The demands of the Hungarian revolutionaries called for freedom of the press, responsible government, civil equality and a political order in which Hungary might determine its own destiny in relation to Vienna.

…

The Third Republic — Volume I — PDF (A4) and EPUB, €10, once

Pay €10 and download